Federal courts backing off from expanding prisoners' rights further in recent years; number of inmate lawsuits has doubled in the past decade, roughly keeping pace with the increase in prison population.
Legal rights of ex-offenders:
Loss of rights upon conviction.
What rights are lost?
How do you get those rights back? Louisiana's
automatic first-offender pardon process.
What are the consequences of being an
ex-con?
Clearing your record through expungement.
HARD LABOR: STATE CUSTODY OF CONVICTED FELONS IN LOUISIANA
A Louisiana criminal defendant convicted
of a hard labor felony and sentenced to confinement has three possible
destinations:
1. a parish jail.
2. the IMPACT program.
3. a state prison.
According to recent figures, almost half
of the inmates in parish jails are convicted felons serving state time.
This figure is the highest of any state in the country. An inmate can serve
a term of any length, including life imprisonment, in a parish jail, if
he does not present a management problem and the sheriff is willing to
let him stay. Neither the offense nor the term in themselves determine
where he serves his sentence.
Three types of inmates have priority
to be transferred from a parish jail into the state prison system:
1. parole violators.
2. medical problems.
3. death row inmates.
Otherwise each jail is given a weekly
quota of inmates to be accepted into the state system, and jail officials
select the inmates to be transferred to meet this quota.
The sheriff is responsible for preparing
the master prison records package on each state inmate. This package, usually
prepared by jail staff, is sent to Corrections Services, which computes
the inmate's release date. Eventually this information will be returned
to the parish jail, if the inmate remains in parish custody. Parole, good-time
release and full-term release dates are calculated the same way for state
inmates in parish jails as they would be in a state prison.
A small number of offenders (generally
150 to 200 at a time) may be diverted into the state's IMPACT program.
IMPACT stands for Intensive Motivational Program of Alternative Correctional
Treatment. State corrections officials call it "intensive incarceration"
or "intensive parole;" the media and the public call it "boot camp."
The program, located at Hunt Correctional
Center in St. Gabriel, is similar to military basic training, but it is
directed toward a specific type of offender: men and women, between 17
and 40, first or second offenders serving sentences of seven years or less.
Sex offenders, overt homosexuals, violent offenders and mental health problems
are also excluded. Corrections Services Headquarters makes the final decision
on who is admitted.
IMPACT requires six months to complete.It
emphasizes physical fitness and discipline to change inmates' habits and
promote responsibility; more treatment components, especially substance
abuse relapse prevention, have been added recently. Inmates in the program
are segregated from ordinary convicts and upon satisfactory completion
of the program are released on intensive parole.
Boot camp inmates in the IMPACT dormitory
at Hunt can see what would be happening to them if they were not in IMPACT--as
they witness men entering the Hunt Reception and Diagnostic Center for
classification. The HRDC processes three types of inmates:
1. inmates coming into the state system
from parish jails.
2. transfers from other state prisons
(for re-evaluation).
3. parole violators.
The inmate's stay in HRDC will generally
last at least two and four weeks, depending on available bed space at other
prisons. The classification process itself usually requires six working
days.
Six different offices or sections play
roles in the classification process:
1. Classification.
2. Assessment and Intervention.
3. Medical.
4. Records.
5. Education.
6. Security.
The Classification Section assigns the
new inmate his temporary living quarters and issues him the institutional
rules that will apply to him in state custody. Classification also prepares
the Admission Summary, a background report which accompanies the inmate
when he leaves the HRDC.
Assessment and Intervention is mostly
interested in the inmate's mental health. It attempts to determine if he
is having any severe mental or behavioral problems. This section uses psychological
tests and interviews (focusing on substance abuse and mental health treatment
history) to make up a psychosocial history and assess each inmate's current
mental state.
The Medical Section compiles a report
on the offender's past medical history and current physical health. Several
tests, including blood and urine samples, are run, and each inmate is given
a complete physical.
The Records Office prepares a file on
each inmate. This file includes court papers, the pre-sentence or post-sentence
investigation, the Master Record and the Computation Worksheet (copies
of which will be given to the inmates), and reports from the other processing
sections. This office is particularly important to the inmate in that it
establishes release dated for incoming prisoners.
The Education Section determines the
new inmate's educational level and identifies any particular educational
problems or skills he may have. Each inmate is given a reading test. Inmates
with speech and hearing problems or inmates who are candidates for special
education are evaluated at length.
The Security Section monitors the inmates's
behavior while he is in residence at HRDC. This section's function is not
only to keep him securely confined, as would be true of any prison, but
also to provide the Classification Section with any information about his
behavior and attitude that would be useful in deciding which institution
he should be assigned to.
The actual assignment is made by a three
member Staffing Committee--the chairman from Classification and members
from Education and Assessment and Intervention. This committee reviews
all the records, interviews and test results that have been accumulated
during the classification process; it then recommends to Corrections Service
Headquarters a first and second choice of prisons to which the inmate is
eligible to be transferred.
Among the circumstances most important
in determining where the inmate will be sent are the following:
1. length of sentence.
2. degree of risk, including both violence
and escape.
3. protection considerations (for informants,
overt homosexuals, former legal officials, and other inmates with known
enemies already in the system).
4. mental and physical health concerns
(for inmates who are mentally ill, handicapped, or suffering from AIDS
or other serous illnesses).
In general, inmates serving sentences
natural or practical life (extending beyond their lifetime) will be sent
to Angola. Inmates serving less than 20 years real time (the actual sentence
as affected by good time) will go to one of the eight medium security prisons.
But any hard labor felon may be sent to Angola, regardless of sentence
length, especially if he is an habitual offender or if he has practiced
disruptive behavior in custody. Inmates can also request assignment to
Angola, and some do, mostly because they do not like the environment of
the medium security prisons or do not want to associate with certain inmates
already in residence at other facilities.
Corrections Services says that it has
a policy of assigning inmates to prisons close to home, but this is difficult
to do as a practical matter. One-third of the state's convicts come from
Orleans and Jefferson Parishes, and another third come from the metropolitan
areas of Shreveport, Baton Rouge, Houma, Monroe, Lake Charles, St. Tammany,
Alexandria and Lafayette. Most prisons are not near these areas. There
is one further basic and apparently eternal characteristic affecting prison
assignments in Louisiana: the prison system is always at capacity. Prison
officials cannot practically save beds for local boys. Inmates will be
assigned on the basis of space available, taking into account any special
considerations that apply to individuals. Transfers can be worked out later--often
much later.
Each institution has its own routine
for processing new arrivals. If an inmate is sent to Angola, which houses
over 5,000 of the 19,000 inmates in state prisons, he will find a very
strictly monitored and controlled environment waiting for him.
At Angola new arrivals are received on
Mondays. They appear before the Initial Review Board which determines:
1. custody.
2. housing.
3. work assignment.
"Minimum custody" is rarely given to
a new arrival. Most new inmates are assigned "medium custody," assigned
to dormitory-type housing and given work assignments in the fields. Sometimes
new arrivals are placed in "maximum custody" (due to disciplinary problems,
youthfulness, protection needs, and more recently, mental health problems)
and sent directly to cellblocks. Some incoming inmates with particular
medical problems are sent to Angola and immediately assigned to medical
wards.
Some new arrivals assigned to the fields
never get there. New inmates are given medical exams, and a number of them
are found physically unable to do field labor. They are assigned "medical
duty" status with restricted assignments that do not involve hard physical
work. Some inmates claim ailments or injuries that they may not have (or
that may not show up in their records). These men may be assigned temporary
duties until their true physical condition can be determined.
Men doing field work make up about a
quarter of Angola's inmate population. Several hundred more men are assigned
to jobs in support of agriculture or in prison shops--the tag plant, the
metal shop, the print shop, the mattress factory and so on. There are hundreds
more assigned as orderlies, in food service, maintenance, groundskeeping
and other positions associated with upkeep of the prison itself. About
240 men are assigned to academic classes at any given time and another
240 to vocational training. Finally, there are well over a thousand men
at any time, in an institution of this size, who are locked down for disciplinary
reasons and not allowed to work, or who are prohibited from working altogether
or assigned limited duties for medical or mental health reasons.
Angola's classification rules allow inmates
to request re-assignment after 90 days without a disciplinary write-up.
But an inmate who wants a change has to work his way up the ladder. The
more desirable assignments are likely to be taken by inmates who have greater
seniority or those who have special duty restrictions. With 3,600 lifers
(natural and practical) at Angola, the new inmate ranks very low in seniority.
Seniority is a big word at Angola, applicable
as much to inmates as to staff. The preferred assignments, participation
in clubs and organized sports, opportunities for school and vocational
training, involvement in many prison activities; all these are controlled
by seniority--either directly or by limiting participation to trusties
(trusty status now takes about ten years to earn). So new inmates arriving
at the Angola of the l990s are likely to find themselves working in the
fields, watching TV or reading at night and doing very little to improve
themselves (with the institution's help, anyway) for a long time after
they arrive.
Eventually the inmate who behaves himself
and wants to get more involved will have a chance to do so. He will have
earned "senior" status. He will discover that his status brings him many
benefits, but only so long as he remains at Angola. If he transfers to
another prison, his status does not transfer with him. He must start at
the bottom and work his way up again. The only differences are that he
now has a proven record to build on, and that the inmate turnover at the
medium and minimum security prisons is much higher, making for faster advancement.
Many long-term inmates do opt for a transfer
to one of the other prisons--to be closer to home, to participate in a
particular program that one institution may have that another does not,
to enjoy the benefits of a less secure environment, or just for a change
of scenery. Each of the institutions in the Louisiana prison system has
its own "culture"--influenced by such circumstances as its location, size,
living quarters, work assignments, management style and the nature of the
population. Each has an initial screening process similar to Angola's,
each has a records office for the growing files that accompany the inmate
through state custody, and each has its own way of using up his time and
energy.
"Hard labor" no longer means that the
inmate will be forced to do backbreaking physical labor from dawn to dusk,
as it might have meant in many prisons a century ago; what it means today
is that for a term of years the convicted felon gives up control of his
own life to the state. Only gradually, and only if he adapts success-fully
to the institution's rules, practices and expectations, does he regain
the freedom to make the important decisions in his life. For many men in
prison, learning to make these decisions, with a genuine appreciation of
their consequences, is the hardest labor they have ever been asked to do.
Classification, Custody and Treatment
Classification serves as the basis for
both custody and treatment. Prisoners in early penitentiaries were not
classified: they were dealt with uniformly rather than individually. Classification
grew out of the reformatory movement of the late 1800s. Zebulon Brockway,
the founder of the Elmira Reformatory, is sometimes given credit for devising
early classification techniques. The idea was to find out what the needs
of the individual inmate were, and then to plan a prison program around
those needs. When the prisoner had changed ("reformed"), he was to be released
on parole. This is the origin of the rehabilitation model. But classification
was not generally applied to all inmates until much later: at first it
was only for the ones who were believed to be capable of being helped by
the programs of the reformatory.
Classification began to be applied to all inmates in progressive prison systems after World War II. The basic idea of classification is carried out in three phases:
Assessment--identification of needs
Programming--matching the inmate to institutional programs
Evaluation--periodic checking to see if progress is being made
Classification is carried out usually
at the time the inmate enters the system to begin serving his sentence;
he goes to a reception center or a classification center for a few days
or few weeks before being assigned to his institution. (For a more detailed
discussion of classification in Louisiana, see "Hard Labor: State Custody
of Convicted Felons in Louisiana.")
Although classification was in theory
intended to promote rehabilitation, it also came to serve the interest
of custody or security, by assessing the degree of the inmate's dangerousness:
was he an escape risk or a threat to physical safety and order?
An inmate was sent to the right custodial
prison, or a prison that had bed space, whether it had any programs that
might benefit him or not. There were always fewer programs than there were
inmates trying to get into them anyway, so even if the inmate's needs were
clearly identified he would probably have to wait to get into them: the
process of matching individual inmates to existing programs was very "iffy."
Many question the value of prison treatment programs at all. Treatment never got much money, usually no more than 5% of the budget, maybe 10% in the most expensive and progressive prisons.
Custody concerns predominated and determined
the institutional philosophy. Treatment was a few hours a week; custody
was all the time. Many inmates surely got into treatment programs not because
they wanted help but because they saw programs as being tied to parole
eligibility (non-alcoholics going through AA so they could be cured of
a problem they never had in the first place).
In both medium and maximum security prisons, custody is the most important concern. The chief techniques of custody are segregation and controlled movement of inmates. Specific practices used in custody would include:
1. counts. Everyone has a place to be at any given time. Several counts a day, called in to a control center. All activities stop while the count is going on, until it reconciles.
2. controlled movement. Gates and sallyports. Use of passes to move about. Restriction to certain parts of the prison.
3. searches. From frisks to strip searches to shakedowns of living areas, constant vigilance against any form of contraband.
4. tool and key control. Avoiding inmates using items for weapons and escape attempts.
5. property control. Inmates only allowed prescribed items (and usually no cash money) in their possession.
6. visitor control. Searches, monitoring, no contact visits for high security prisoners.
7. personal monitoring. In more secure prisons, inmates are always supposed to be in the line of sight of a security officer.
8. rules and procedures. Stating what
prisoners are allowed to do, and what disciplinary actions will be taken
if they violate the rules. Prisoners get "write-ups" that affect their
privileges and can affect goodtime.
Security determines the inmate's living quarters, work assignment, recreation, and ability to participate in other activities, including treatment programs. These can be changed over time, as the inmate establishes that he is able (or unable) to live in a particular environment within the prison.
Treatment can be loosely described as any institutional program intended to make the inmate better. Among the general types of prison treatment programs are:
religious activities
self-help groups and "purpose" clubs
group therapy
vocational training
educational programs, from ABE to GED to college-level
individual psychotherapy
medical treatment, including corrective surgery
work assignments
specific therapeutic approaches aimed
at target clienteles--sex offenders, alcoholics, drug users, gamblers,
wife-beaters, etc.
The warden or superintendent as the official in charge of each separate institution. The warden's values, personality, interests and approach create the environment in which the institution's staff and inmates work and live. Principal types of management "styles:"
1. the autocratic style: characteristic of the old-style penitentiaries of the 1800s and early 1900s. Total authority to make the rules and run his prison as he wanted: no legal rights of inmates, no federal courts to satisfy, no employee unions to deal with. Some were benevolent and some were mean-spirited, but most were paternalistic and strong-willed. (The Nathan Arizona attitude: "My way or the highway." Often civic reformers who wanted to make better men out of convicts; the question was how to do it? Often worked at one institution for a very long period of time. The prison was their lasting memorial.
2. the political hack: appointed by the governor as a figurehead; no prior background in prison work. Stayed in the office and didn't interfere in the daily operation of the prison, which was usually run by the Deputy Warden for Security (or Custody). Common in the South and several other states. Came and went with no real impact on the prison.
3. the bureaucratic style: the most common
style of today. A career prison official who has worked his way up within
the system of one state. Not as powerful or influential as the old warden,
because of the development of the Department of Corrections as a central
office and policy-making authority. Wardens move around within the system;
not associated with any particular institution.
Most wardens today are college-educated
administrators who are not expected to go their own way within the state's
corrections bureaucracy. Most start in classification or some administrative
function, not in security. Less likelihood that a security officer (or
guard) will have the background needed to be a contemporary warden.
The main concerns of the prison warden today:
1. secure custody is foremost. The quickest way to get fired is to allow lots of escapes or extensive disorder, as in internal violence or riots.
2. dealing with inmate problems and legal rights, as argued in lawsuits challenging conditions of confinement.
3. dealing with employees, singly and in unions or organizations. Staff cause a lot more trouble than inmates in most institutions.
4. dealing with the corrections bureaucracy within the state.
Often headed by political appointees who may not share the same sense of mission the warden has.
5. dealing with the courts, the legislature and the executive branch; particularly in promoting changes to benefit prison operations.
6. dealing with the media, inmate families, and other outside groups who may be interested in inmate welfare and prison conditions.
7. providing programs to promote change
among inmates.
The prison guard as the principal employee
of the institution: more security officers than all other employees added
together. Over 250,000 security officers in state and federal prisons.
How many little boys and girls want to be prison guards when they grow up? Most people getting into the work are attracted by the stability of the work: usually a civil service job with benefits and retirement.
Many guards have tended to be rural white
males, because state prisons have usually been located in rural areas away
from cities; prison inmates have tended to be minorities from urban areas,
which often promotes cultural conflict within the institution. Many guards
in the past worked nights or evenings in prison so they could work at other
jobs, especially farming, in the daytime.
Prison guards still predominantly male
(75%+), though more opportunities for women in recent years. Guard work
is often seen as "the best job available" for people going into it. A lot
of people get into it for a short time and then get out when a better job
comes along: very high turnover rates (20% to 50%) in many states, high
absenteeism rates on the job. The prison is a difficult environment to
work in; many who would like to stay can't take it: dealing with inmates,
the rules and procedures, shift work, boring and disagreeable assignments.
Many guards are involved in illegal activities, particularly bringing in
contraband, that cause them to be fired and sometimes criminally charged.
Many different jobs for security officers:
1. living quarters. Most contact with inmates.
2. the yard. Supervising idle time and recreation.
3. work sites.
4. gates, sally ports and control points.
5. visiting.
6. dining halls, libraries, education and vocational training, hospital, mental health.
7. towers and walls. Often the dullest and most tedious.
8. escorts and transports. Accompanying prisoners to hospitals, courts and other outside functions.
9. training, personnel, internal affairs
and administration.
Should security officers only be interested
in security, or should they be counselors and problem-solvers also? American
prison officers are generally taught to be authority figures, not friends
and counselors; not involved in the treatment or rehabilitation of inmates,
setting up conflict with those who are.
Increasing role of unions and other organizations
representing the interests of security officers; pay, benefits, working
conditions. In general unions can organize but not strike: sick-outs fairly
common job actions.
The predominant role of Deputy Warden for Security: in charge of the largest labor force within the walls. Most influential in the day-to-day operation of the institution. Usually a career security officer who is not in a position to qualify for a warden's job.